67. Migrant farmworkers found it difficult to break out of the system. For the early history of LULAC, see Marquez, LULAC, and Garcia, Mexican Americans. Iowa State University of Science and Technology League of United Latin American Citizens and the California Grape Boycott During the 1960s, members of the Davenport League of United Latin American Citizens (LULAC) led actions in support of migrant farmworkers rights in Iowa. LULAC News, March 1966, 1; Hernandez cited statistics that showed Mexican Americans made up just over one percent of employees in the Department of Health, Education, and Welfare and less than one percent in grades GS 9–18, the highest-paying positions. LULAC’s initiatives are executed through programming, political advocacy, and individual member participation at the local level. LULAC's Quad City Grape Boycott Committee organized pickets and leafletting campaigns throughout 1969 to educate consumers and ask them to participate in the boycott of California table grapes. Led by the combined efforts of the Agricultural Workers Organizing Committe (founded by Larry Itliong and Philip Vera Cruz) and the National Farm Workers Association (founded. On average, migrant farmworkers in Iowa earned $5.86 per day for potatoes and $3.91 per day for other crops.3 Domestic farmworkers (predominately white) earned an average of $10.75 per day nationwide.4 In addition to the low salary, migrant farmworkers were often bound to a particular employer by a per-basket withholding, in which a certain amount of each basket picked would be withheld from the worker's earnings until the end of the season. While subject to severe discrimination and disadvantage, Mexican Americans did not face the consistent statutory segregation and discrimination faced by blacks. 41. Iowa Women’s Archives: Guide to the LULAC Council 10 records . Letter, John Tower et al. 22. Political System: Two-Tiered Pluralism (Philadelphia, 1992). Iowa’s first migrant child labor bill was passed in 1967 and prohibited the employment of children under the age of 10 in the fields. Spanish Speaking Programs, Key Scoring Points, n.d., whcf—office files of Anne Armstrong box 71, [Counselor Armstrong Briefing Book 1973–74] (1 of 2) folder, RNPM; Nixon Administration Accomplishment Report for Hispanic Americans, First Draft, 5 July 1974, whcf—office files of Anne Armstrong box 21, Hispanic Americans folder, RNPM. For an overview of MALDEF's organization and activities, see O'Connor and Epstein, “A Legal Voice for the Chicano Community”; for a critical view of MALDEF's organization and funding structure, see Skerry, Peter, “The Ambivalent Minority: Mexican Americans and the Voting Rights Act,” Journal of Policy History 6 (1994): 73–95. Federal civil rights policy for Mexican Americans through the mid-1960s consisted of New Frontier and Great Society funding programs to which Mexican American organizations could apply for money to develop and carry out projects in their communities. 10. 29. See Matusow, Allen, Nixon's Economy: Booms, Busts, Dollars, and Votes (Lawrence, Kan., 1998). 19. 20. Significant appointments included eleven at or above GS-15 and four at or above PAS Level II. Iowa Digital Library: Mujeres Latinas Digital Collection. The Mexican American: A New Focus on Opportunity: Testimony Presented at the Cabinet Committee Hearings on Mexican American Affairs (Washington, D.C., 1967), 227–32. 56. Skowronek, Steven, The Politics Presidents Make: Leadership from John Adams to George Bush (Cambridge, 1993); Graham, Hugh Davis, “Richard Nixon and Civil Rights: Explaining an Enigma,” Presidential Studies Quarterly 26 (Winter 1996): 93–106. Mexican American success in the courts, particularly in Texas, defined the group as white, and therefore not subject to Jim Crow laws. Abstract views reflect the number of visits to the article landing page. by Dolores Huerta and Cesar Chávez), they sought the right to bargain collectively for a fair wage and for better living and working conditions. See, in particular, Hero, Rodney E., Latinos and the U.S. Marquez, Benjamin, LULAC: The Evolution of a Mexican American Political Organization (Austin, 1993). All rights reserved, During the 1960s, members of the Davenport League of United Latin American Citizens (LULAC) led actions in support of migrant farmworkers rights in Iowa. In the 1960s, approximately 2,900 migrant farmworkers and their families came to Iowa and southern Minnesota each year to work in the fields.1 Migrant farmworkers in Iowa, and across the United States, endured reprehensible living and working conditions. However, daily work was not guaranteed, so a worker might have to report at the job site at the beginning of the day, with no possibility of earning income for that day. Memo, David North to Joseph Califano, 8 September 1966, whcf-subject file box 23, EX HU2/MC, 7 June–12 October 1966 folder, LBJL. Marquez, Benjamin, LULAC: The Evolution of a Mexican American Political Organization (Austin, 1993). 6. It finds LULAC largely irrelevant to most of the Chicano community by the late 1960s, and has little to say regarding its role in national political life. Colson also noted that the administration's parochial school project would help the Spanish-speaking because Catholic schools, the main beneficiaries of the project, normally had a bilingual component to their curriculum. 9. Mexicans arrived in Iowa as early as the 1880s, and by the 1920s boxcar communities had grown up near railroad yards in towns such as Fort Madison, Davenport, and Bettendorf. Letter, Alfred Hernandez to President Johnson, 13 June 1967, whcf-subject file box 386, Gen FG 687 Interagency Committee on Mexican American Affairs folder, LBJL. Memo, J. Stanley Pottinger to School Districts with More Than Five Percent National Origin-Minority Group Children, 25 May 1970, whcf-subject files box 4, EX HU 2 Equality folder, RNPM.
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